HOW CAN WE GIVE FULL AUTONOMY TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNITS?

HOW CAN WE GIVE FULL AUTONOMY TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNITS?

When we speak of “full autonomy” for Local Government Units (LGUs), we must ask: autonomy from whom—and for what purpose?

The Local Government Code of 1991 was supposed to be our great decentralization experiment. It devolved health, agriculture, and social welfare functions to cities and municipalities. Yet, more than three decades later, many LGUs still act like field offices of the national government rather than self-governing communities.

Take one concrete example: the Municipal Treasurer. Under Section 470 of RA 7160, the Treasurer is appointed not by the Mayor but by the Secretary of Finance. The Mayor merely recommends; the Department of Finance decides. The Treasurer is under the Mayor’s administrative supervision but remains technically supervised by the Bureau of Local Government Finance.

Why? Because money is power. And power, it seems, is something the center is not ready to release.

The same pattern applies elsewhere. The Chief of Police is appointed within the structure of the Philippine National Police. The resident auditor reports directly to the Commission on Audit. The local election officer answers to the Commission on Elections. Even the Local Government Operations Officer is an extension of the Department of the Interior and Local Government.

We call this “checks and balances.” But checks and balances against whom? If autonomy is genuine, should not the LGU be independent from the national government, rather than the other way around?

Of course, the unspoken fear is corruption. The assumption is that local officials cannot be fully trusted with finance, police, or regulatory power. But corruption is not a local monopoly; it exists at every level. The solution is not perpetual supervision but stronger institutions.

If we truly want autonomy, we must pursue four long-term reforms.

First, fiscal sovereignty. Autonomy is an illusion if LGUs depend almost entirely on transfers from the national government. Yes, the Mandanas-Garcia ruling increased their share of national taxes, but the funds still pass through Manila. Why not allow LGUs to retain a larger portion of taxes collected within their territory at source? Why not expand their taxing powers in industries such as energy or telecommunications, with clear national standards? Mature cities could even be allowed to issue municipal bonds without excessive central approval.

Second, localized accountability. If we transfer appointment powers to mayors or governors, we must simultaneously strengthen recall elections, local referenda, and citizen audit systems. Power must shift downward—not just from the national government to the mayor, but from the mayor to the people.

Third, capacity building. Some municipalities simply lack technical expertise. Full autonomy without competence will produce chaos. The national government can redefine its role—from controller to capacity-builder—providing training, digital systems, and professional standards while respecting local discretion.

Fourth, equalization safeguards. Autonomy can widen inequality. Resource-rich cities will thrive; poor rural towns may struggle. A national equalization fund, transparently managed, can help less-developed LGUs without micromanaging them.

Critics warn of “local tyranny,” especially in areas dominated by political dynasties. That is a real risk. But should we paralyze reform because of fear? Instead of being afraid of corruption or abuse, we should develop the courage to defeat them through transparency laws, open data, participatory budgeting, and stronger local media.

Autonomy should not mean separation. It should mean partnership—a shift from subordination to co-equal governance.

The real question is this: Do we truly believe that democracy begins in the barangay and the municipality? If we do, then we must trust our communities enough to let them govern themselves—and hold them accountable when they fail.

Full autonomy is not a leap. It is a long journey. But unless we begin walking, we will forever remain halfway decentralized and halfway dependent.

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/04-21-2027

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