A NEW HOPE FOR INDIGENOUS CULTURAL PEOPLES

A NEW HOPE FOR INDIGENOUS CULTURAL PEOPLES

I do not know exactly who first proposed the idea to move the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) from the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) to the Office of the President (OP)—but whoever it was, I salute you. And to President Marcos Jr., I must say: that was an excellent decision.

Why? Because under the DSWD, the NCIP was unintentionally being framed as some sort of charity case. It’s not. Indigenous Cultural Peoples (ICPs) do not need pity; they need partnerships, empowerment, and access to government services. And now, under the Office of the President, the NCIP gains bureaucratic muscle and the attention it deserves.

This shift presents a golden opportunity—a chance to reimagine the NCIP not as a welfare agency, but as a full-fledged development agency, capable of driving change in some of the most underserved regions of the country.

Let’s look at the problems—and more importantly, the solutions.

1. The Elusive Ancestral Domain Titles

Can you believe that even after more than two decades since the Indigenous People’s Rights Act (IPRA) was passed in 1997, many tribal communities still haven’t been issued their Certificates of Ancestral Domain Titles (CADTs)?

Why? The reasons vary—lack of funding, lack of lawyers, lack of political will. But regardless of the excuse, the NCIP is supposed to have the capacity to facilitate this. If the Commission is unable to issue CADTs efficiently, then how can we talk about protecting indigenous lands and rights?

This is where I believe the Department of Justice (DOJ) should step in. Under the direction of the President, the DOJ can mobilize legal teams to help speed up the CADT process. There’s no reason why bureaucracy should delay justice and recognition.

2. Undermined Representation

Another pressing concern: the role of Indigenous Peoples Mandatory Representatives (IPMRs) in local government. The law is clear—ICPs have the right to select their own representatives in municipal councils, city halls, and provincial boards.

Yet in practice, some local mayors and governors are handpicking IPMRs themselves. That’s not only undemocratic—it’s unconstitutional. If tribal communities can’t choose who speaks for them, what kind of representation is that?

Mr. President, I believe it is time to issue a firm executive directive reminding LGUs that the right to self-representation is non-negotiable under the IPRA law.

3. Basic Services Still Out of Reach

Let’s talk about distance. Many indigenous communities live in remote, mountainous, or forested areas. That’s part of their cultural identity—and part of the challenge. Because of geography, they are often excluded from basic services like health care, education, and infrastructure.

We say “no one left behind” but many ICPs still feel exactly that—left behind.

Yes, we have the Indigenous Peoples Education (IPED) program, meant to deliver culturally responsive education. But why is implementation moving so slowly? How many ICP schools are still without proper buildings, teachers, or learning materials?

We need mobile clinics, satellite schools, digital classrooms, and trained local health workers. If we can set up barangay health centers in urban slums, why can’t we do the same in our ancestral domains?

4. From Surviving to Thriving: Economic Empowerment

Most tribal communities are sitting on vast tracts of undeveloped land. If properly supported, these areas could become productive agricultural zones, agroforests, or eco-tourism hubs. Yet very few ITPs receive support for training, financing, or marketing.

Many want to farm. Many can raise poultry or livestock. But they need the means—not just to survive, but to build generational wealth.

Now that NCIP is under Malacañang, the President has a rare chance to mobilize all the necessary government agencies, including:

  • DOJ – Legal support for fast-tracking CADT applications
  • DOST – To identify appropriate technologies for food, fiber, and energy
  • DA – To provide seeds, livestock, and technical training
  • DOF – To channel loans, grants, or subsidies to tribal enterprises
  • DTI – To link tribal products with mainstream markets and export channels

With the right coordination, tribal communities can be producers, not dependents.

A Final Thought

This is not just about land titles or representation. This is about dignity, about giving ICPs the chance to define their own future.

Let’s make it clear: ICPs are not problems to be solved. They are partners in nation-building. Their knowledge, resilience, and relationship with nature are invaluable assets in today’s climate and development struggles.

Now that the NCIP has a stronger voice, let’s make sure it’s heard—not just in the halls of power, but in every sitio, barangay, and ancestral mountain where our tribal brothers and sisters live.

Let this transfer not just be a change in bureaucracy—but the beginning of a true transformation.

Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres
iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com

08-16-2025

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